Artculo para "L'Unit" 25 May 1997

"NATO and Russia: A True Partnership" By Javier Solana Building a democratic, peaceful and stable Europe may be a long-term project, but sometimes there are quantum leaps in our progress. The Founding Act between NATO and Russia represents such a quantum leap. The document that will be signed in Paris on 27 May sets the seal on a permanent and close working partnership between us. It puts to rest the notion that NATO and Russia are forever locked in an adversarial posture. But more than that, the Founding Act represents a strategic gain for the whole of the European continent. It provides the chance for NATO and Russia to make their essential contributions to security together. The new NATO-Russia partnership does not, of course, start from scratch. For almost three years NATO and Russia have held so-called "16+1" meetings to discuss security-related issues. In Bosnia, our forces are effectively working together to create the conditions for successfully rebuilding this war-torn region. Still, it took time - four months - and persistence to negotiate the Founding Act. I was supported by intensive consultation and coordination between the Allies, who responded promptly and creatively to developments in the negotiation. What clinched the deal was that, in the final analysis, the Russians appreciated that engagement with NATO presented a real chance and a new opportunity. Russia already is a member of the OSCE and the Council of Europe and has close links with the European Union, and the G-7. To keep a distance from NATO would have been contrary to the logic of a new and democratic Russia engaging fully in the new Europe. I was confident that Russia would see that its interests would be served by close cooperation with European and Atlantic structures. The signing of the Act does not, of course, mean that problems and differences between NATO and Russia will disappear. Many Russians still have problems grasping what the new NATO is about and how it has changed. But what is significant about the Act is that it contains the mechanism for addressing and overcoming any differences. It goes beyond formal declarations of intent and establishes a new framework for consultation, cooperation and coordination. The mechanisms of the new relationship are truly innovative. We have created a new forum: the NATO - Russia Permanent Joint Council which will meet monthly or when agreed. The consultations will cover a broad range of political or security related matters. Based on these consultations, the Joint Council will develop joint initiatives on which NATO and Russia would agree to speak or act in parallel. Once consensus has been reached, it will make joint decisions, if appropriate, and take joint action on a case-by-case basis. Joint actions may include peacekeeping operations under the authority of the UN Security Council or the responsibility of the OSCE. When consensus is not possible, both sides will of course remain free to take decisions and actions on their own. The Founding Act also details the topics on which NATO and Russia can consult and perhaps cooperate, including preventing and settling conflicts, peacekeeping, preventing proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and exchanging information on security and defence policies and forces. Conversion of defence industries, defence related environmental issues, and civil emergency preparedness are other areas set out in this document. The Act reaffirms that NATO does not pose a threat to Russia. Nor will an enlarged NATO. NATO Allies have made it clear that they have no intention, no plan and no reason to deploy nuclear weapons on the territory of new members, nor any need to change any aspects of NATO's nuclear posture or nuclear policy - and do not foresee any future need to do so. NATO also reiterates its position that in the current and foreseeable security environment, NATO plans to carry out its collective defence and other missions by ensuring the necessary interoperability, integration and capability for reinforcement rather than by additional permanent stationing of substantial combat forces. Accordingly, the Alliance will have to rely on adequate infrastructure to allow for reinforcement if necessary. There is also a joint commitment to adapt the CFE Treaty in a way that addresses the evolving European security environment. NATO and Russia have independently submitted detailed proposals to the negotiations in Vienna on the CFE Treaty adaptation. The central element of our approach consists of a further reduction in the main combat equipment allowed under the CFE Treaty. The conventional arms control negotiations include 30 countries, so NATO and Russia have to persuade the others of the merits of their approach. If all goes well, one of the first results of NATO-Russia cooperation will be to lower still further the amount of conventional equipment allowed in Europe. This would be real proof of the value of our accord for the whole of Europe. The Act contains a number of other measures designed to cement a close working relationship, including permanent Russian diplomatic and military representation at NATO. Senior Russian military liaison officers will be attached to appropriate elements of NATO's military structure, with reciprocal arrangements of NATO liaison officers in Russia. I am looking forward to Russia being represented at NATO on a standing basis, to make its points and to see with its own eyes what NATO is really about. The real depth of the partnership will emerge once Russian and NATO staffs start to work closely, even daily, together. Old misperceptions should not persist in such a setting. Our cooperation in Bosnia is a useful experience on which to build. Is there a risk as some suggest that NATO will lose its own ability to act independently? Emphatically no! NATO and Russia have agreed that nothing in this document restricts or impedes the ability of either side to decide independently. It does not provide NATO or Russia at any stage with a right of veto over the actions of the other. The provisions of the NATO-Russia Founding Act can also not be used as a means to the disadvantage of other states. The NATO-Russia Founding Act does not subordinate NATO to any other organisation, and it will in no way diminish the political or military effectiveness of the Alliance, including its ability to meet its security commitment to current and future members. NATO and Russia will work together on a broad spectrum of tasks in the Permanent Joint Council, which will, however, remain clearly separate from the North Atlantic Council - NATO's own decision-making body. The Founding Act is neither a means of "compensating" Russia for NATO's enlargement, nor will it dilute the effectiveness of the Alliance. NATO's timetable for admitting new members will not be affected by the document, nor will the security status of future new members be affected by it. The NATO-Russia Founding Act stands on its own merits - as a major achievement between two major contributors to European security. The fact that NATO and Russia will meet regularly maximises the potential for cooperation in a crisis. It minimises the possibility of new confrontations re-emerging. By establishing the patterns and habits of consultation and cooperation, the Act can remove at source many of the potential sources of suspicion, and misunderstanding between us. Clearly, a stable and enduring NATO-Russia partnership will not come into being merely by signing a document, no matter how detailed and forward-looking. The partnership will grow by making the fullest use of the new mechanisms provided to us by the Founding Act. The opening chapter is written; the end remains open and wil depend on both sides: our imagination, our readiness to take each other seriously and our ability to develop mutual trust.